My initial dismay at having an eleven-hour layover in Kiev was erased when I realized that I could use that time to venture into the city and visit Megan, one of my fellow graduate students in Soviet history. I was interested to see how Kiev had changed since I had last been there four years ago.
The first thing I noticed was that Borispol airport was brand new. It really looks fantastic, and it’s a shame that there won’t be too many tourists around to take advantage of the spiffy new place. (Tip for the adventurous: Ukrainian International Airways is having a fire sale on tickets!) Also, as I was passing through security, one of the Ukrainian security agents actually made a joke—in English! Definitely the first time that has ever happened to me in the former Soviet Union.
After a month in Chisinau, where it seems like about two thirds of the conversations I heard were in Moldovan Romanian, it was strange to suddenly understand all the conversations going on around me. For all the controversy about language politics, Kiev is still firmly a Russian-speaking city. I only eavesdropped (or rather, attempted to eavesdrop) on a few Ukrainian conversations all day. Certainly belies the notion that this is a battle of Russian speakers against Ukrainian speakers!
They’ve also rebranded one of their city bus routes as the “Sky Bus,” so it’s now very easy to find the right transportation to connect to the metro. Once I made it to the “Golden Gates” metro stop, I met up with Megan, who is doing archival research at an archive located in the St. Sophia Cathedral complex.
Statue of Yaroslav the Wise in front of Kiev's reconstructed Golden Gates. |
Our first stop was the Maidan, the epicenter of the protest movement and the site of major street battles in February between protesters and Berkut, the now-disbanded Ukrainian security services. After a successful regime change, the Maidan is no longer occupied but the barricades and tents remain as a sort of museum to history-in-the-making. With the annexation of Crimea and an ongoing civil war/anti-terrorist operation/undeclared Russian invasion (depending on your perspective) in some of the far-eastern regions, it remains to be seen whether the revolution will be a Pyrrhic victory. According to Megan, most people in Kiev seem to be taking a wait-and-see approach to the election of the new president Poroshenko. After all, they remind her, at one time they had also celebrated the victory of the now-deposed Yanukovych.
At first is was a shock to see the wide, open central square turned into a warren of makeshift tents and barricades topped with barbed wire.
Maidan, July 2014 |
Makeshift memorial |
Among the Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar flags, there were also red-and-black UPA flags. The Ukrainian Partisan Army was the main Ukrainian nationalist anti-Soviet resistance in western Ukraine during World War II. They were sometimes allied with the Nazis, although the Germans also put UPA leader Stepan Bandera in a concentration camp (and promptly freed him when they thought he would be useful for battling the Soviets).
UPA ideology has little in common with the views of most Maidan supporters. The main far-right party polled in the low single digits in the parliamentary election. My impression is that pro-Maidan Ukrainians are much more likely to support a sort of Ukrainian civic nationalism instead. Considering that the Maidan movement has the full support of Ukraine’s Jewish and Crimean Tatar community, Russian propaganda that some sort of neo-UPA fascist junta has taken over the country is hardly persuasive. However, the portrayal of Stepan Bandera as some sort of national hero is certainly disturbing. It’s hard to decide who was worse—the UPA or the Soviet state. Neither provide much inspiration for way forward for Ukraine today.
The Maidan’s erstwhile Christmas tree, now covered in various banners and signs, could probably form the source base for an entire academic paper. Unlike Russian government propaganda, which seems to be actively stirring up hatred towards Ukrainians, there have been some efforts on the part of the Maidan movement to distinguish between Russians and the actions of their government. Hence the sign, “We love Russians—We despise Putin.”
After our excursion into recent history, we dived into some not-so-recent history. Although I’ve already visited the St. Sophia Cathedral twice, it always merits another visit.
St. Sophia's Cathedral. The baroque exterior was commissioned in the seventeenth century by the great Orthodox metropolitan Peter Mogila, who by the way was from Moldova. |
This is actually the entrance to the archive Megan is working in. Jealous... |
On my way back to the airport, I bought the latest issue of a Ukrainian weekly, Kommentarii, tempted by its irresistible (to a historian, at least) headline—”Who will re-write the history of Ukraine.” I was treated to an excellent series of articles focusing on historical debates between Ukraine and its neighbors. The main article sought to demonstrate how the current Ukrainian historical paradigm tends to demonize Ukraine’s neighbors. The fact that Ukrainian journalists are doing some serious historiographical soul-searching at a time like this gave me hope for the future.
It may be pretty far down on the list of problems caused by the war in Ukraine, but the fact that fewer tourists are now likely to venture to Ukraine still saddens me. Kiev is a beautiful city, and I felt completely safe, as the city is far from the current conflict. I was glad to have the chance to spend even a few hours in Kiev.
Statue of Cossack leader Bohdan Khmelnytsky not far from the Maidan and St. Sophia. |
Maybe I'm going too post-modernist here, but the historical Bandera and the symbolic Bandera used by Maidansty are two completely different critters. To the latter waving a picture of Bandera (or even symbols more overtly connected to fascism) simply means challenging the Soviet monopoly on historiography, i.e meaning is imputed to symbols rather than it inherently existing. As for blanket statements about "UPA", even this is buying into the narratives of Soviet, Polish and Ukrainian historiography (who all want a monolithic "UPA" for their own ends) when in many cases (especially during Bandera's imprisonment) it'd be difficult to call UPA anything other than armed hooligans raping and pillaging during a power vacuum opposed to a centralized movement.
ReplyDeleteI definitely agree that who Bandera was in reality and what he means to Maidantsy are two entirely different things. However, I would say that it still is problematic, much like it is problematic that we idolize the Founding Fathers in America and gloss over the fact that many of them were slaveowners. In Romania there is a similar problem with the lionization of members of the Iron Guard despite their fascist and anti-Semitic tendencies. (Tendencies that, as in Bandera's case, led to the loss of many human lives.) Unfortunately in both Romania and Ukraine, it's just hard to find national heroes from the twentieth century who didn't fall into either the fascist or the Soviet camp.
ReplyDeleteAs for the UPA, I haven't read enough about them and I had never heard about that before. Very interesting, thanks for sharing!